Abstract
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Chinsan Sego 晉山世稿 is a collection of literary works compiled by Kang Hŭimaeng 姜希孟, containing the poems and writings of his grandfather, father, and elder brother. The collection includes the works of Tongjŏng 通亭 Kang Hoebaek 姜淮伯, Wanyŏkchae 玩易齊 Kang Sŏktŏk 姜碩德, and Injae 仁齋 Kang Hŭian姜希顔.
Chinsan sego is particularly significant as it is one of the earliest sego (a type of family literary collection) publications from the Chosŏn Dynasty. It served as a model for later sego compilations, profoundly influencing the genre. Its importance was officially recognized on December 18, 1998, when it was designated as Treasure No. 1290 (privately owned) by the Cultural Heritage Administration of Korea.
The collection, which Kang Hŭimaeng first began compiling, continued to be supplemented with the literary works of other key figures from the Chinju Kang clan throughout the Chosŏn Dynasty, adding to its historical value and legacy. A thorough examination of Chinsan sego is necessary, as numerous copies (including incomplete ones) have been identified in institutions both in Korea and abroad.
Accordingly, this study aims to organize and systematize the lineage of Chinsan sego editions to identify their publication characteristics and examine the editorial intent involved. Consequently, the research ultimately classifies the collection into five distinct editions—the First Edition (1474), the 1491 Edition, the 1658 Edition, the 1845 Edition, and the 1959 Edition—and summarizes the unique characteristics of each.
In addition, this study observed that while the early Chinsan sego compiled by Kang Hŭimaeng was primarily based on the consciousness of “the succession of a clan’s moral works and literary legacy,” the versions published after the 1658 edition under the title Chinsan sego sokjip 晉山世稿續集reflected a shift in consciousness toward “the commemoration of a neglected talent 懷才不遇 and the succession of the will of forebears 遺旨.”
In particular, a distinction from the earlier compilation was found in the fact that most figures added to the Chinsan segosokchip, including Kang Kŭksŏng 姜克誠, were those who possessed great literary talent but passed away early without reaching high government positions.
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Keywords: Chinsan sego 晉山世稿, sego 世稿, Kang Hŭimaeng 姜希孟, Chinsan segosokchip 晉山世稿續集, Sasukjaejip 私淑齋集, Kang Kŭksŏng 姜克誠
Introduction
This study aims to organize and classify the editions of Chinsan sego 晉山世稿 [Collected Works of Three Generations of the Chinsan Clan], identify the characteristics related to each edition and its publication, and thereby examine its editorial intent.
Chinsan sego is a collected works compiled by Kang Hŭimaeng 姜希孟 (1424-1483), which brings together the writings of his grandfather, father, and elder brother. It contains the poetry and prose of Tongjŏng 通亭 Kang Hoebaek 姜淮伯 (1357-1402), Wanyŏkchae 玩易齊 Kang Sŏktŏk 姜碩德 (1395-1459), and Injae 仁齋 Kang Hŭian 姜希顔 (1418-1465). Notably, Chinsan sego was compiled earlier than any other sego 世稿 “family anthologies” published during the Chosŏn dynasty. It served as a model for subsequent compilations of this genre and exerted a significant influence, thereby holding considerable scholarly importance.
Meanwhile,
Ishō Nihon-den 異称日本伝, the work of Matsushita Kenrin 松下見林 (1637-1704), who was active during the Edo period in Japan, included two poems by Kang Sŏktŏk, “Song Koch’ŏmchu pongsa Ilbon” 送高僉樞奉使日本 and “Song Sin pŏmong kwi Ilbon” 送申泛翁歸日本, as well as the entry “Ilbon ch’ŏkch’okhwa” 日本躑躅花 from Kang Hŭian’s
Yanghwa sorok 養花小錄 [The Little Book for Growing Flowers]. All of these pieces are also found in
Chinsan sego. This indicates that
Chinsan sego was circulated in Japan at that time.
1 Furthermore, the fact that
Chinsan sego was among the books brought to Japan by the
t’ongsinsa 通信使 “Korean envoy” in 1748 further underscores the recognition of its importance.
2 The designation of this work as National Treasure No. 1290 (privately held) by the Cultural Heritage Administration of South Korea on December 18, 1998, can be understood as recognition of its significance.
After its initial publication, Chinsan sego underwent a second printing in which the literary works of additional authors were incorporated. Besides Kang Hoebaek, Kang Sŏktŏk, and Kang Hŭian, works by Ch’wijuk 醉竹 Kang Kŭksŏng 姜克誠 (1526-1576), Maesŏ 梅墅 Kang Chonggyŏng 姜宗慶 (1543-1580), and Hogye 壺溪 Kang Chinhwi 姜晋暉 (1567-1596) were added. Subsequently, additional pieces by Yongjae 慵齋 Kang Tŏkpu 姜德溥 (1668-1749), Samhŭidang 三稀堂 Kang Chuje 姜柱齊 (1701-1778), Kakpijae 覺非齋 Kang Chunam 姜柱南 (1716-1784), and Chŏnam 典庵 Kang Chŏnghwan 姜鼎煥 (1741-1816) were incorporated in a later reprint. In this way, Chinsan sego, which was initially published under the initiative of Kang Hŭimaeng, continued to be revised throughout the Chosŏn period, with the poetry and prose of key members of the Chinju Kang lineage added over time. This makes its ongoing transmission and accumulation of literary works historically significant. In this context, scholarly efforts have been made to identify and organize the various editions of Chinsan sego.
Pak Yŏngdon considered that the first edition of
Chinsan sego, designated as National Treasure No. 1290, was published in 1476 (the 7th year of King Sŏngjong’s reign), and he briefly noted that it was subsequently reprinted a total of six times.
3 Meanwhile, after its designation as a National Treasure, Sim Ujun raised a question regarding the 1476 edition, arguing that certain passages, “仁齊之養花錄爲第四” in the postface by Kim Chongjik 金宗直 (1431-1492) were later added, and therefore it cannot be regarded as the true first edition.
4
Yu P’ungyŏn regarded the first edition of
Chinsan sego as having been published in 1474 (the 5th year of King Sŏngjong’s reign). He viewed a subsequent edition, which includes Sŏ Kŏjŏng’s徐居正 (1450-1504) “
Chinsan sego pal” 晉山世稿跋 and Kang Hŭimaeng’s “
Chinsan sego i Chinmok pal” 晉山世稿移晉牧跋 designated as National Treasure No. 1290, as an intermediate edition, thus differing from Pak Yŏngdon’s interpretation.
5
An Iksŏng conducted a comprehensive study of family anthologies published during the Chosŏn dynasty, in which he also addressed
Chinsan sego.
6 He shared Yu P’ungyŏn’s view that the first edition was published in 1474 (the 5th year of King Sŏngjong’s reign). In addition, he noted that a total of five editions were published around the same period following the initial printing, and he examined the subsequent publications in the form of
sokchip 續集 “supplemental collections.”
Recently, Ch’oe Kyŏnghun analyzed
Chinsan sego by focusing on extant family anthologies published in the early Chosŏn period and tracing the circumstances of later editions. This study clarified that, following the first edition of
Chinsan sego in 1474 (the 5th year of King Sŏngjong’s reign), a reprint was issued in 1491, which involved a woodblock reproduction of Kang Hŭimaeng’s collected works,
Sasukjaejip 私淑齋集 [The Collection of Kang Hŭimang’s Works]. Additionally, Ch’oe introduced to scholarship the Kyemyŏng University edition of
Chinsan sego, which was published in 1805.
7
Previous studies have primarily focused on issues related to the first edition of Chinsan sego, and in particular, the research of An Iksŏng and Ch’oe Kyŏnghun has made it possible to ascertain much of the overall context of its publication, which represents a significant achievement. However, since more than 60 copies of Chinsan sego (including incomplete editions) are currently held in domestic institutions, a comprehensive review is necessary to determine whether they represent the same edition, to classify them according to textual lineage, and thereby to clarify the overall publication history of Chinsan sego. In addition, it is essential to correct inaccuracies found in previous studies or by the institutions holding the copies, and to revise the publication dates and related details accordingly.
Building on the achievements of previous studies, this research aims to review the overall status of Chinsan sego editions, classify them according to textual lineage, and correct elements deemed erroneous, while examining the characteristics and significance of Chinsan sego’s publication throughout the Chosŏn period.
A Review of Previous Research on the Editions and Publication of Chinsan sego
The textual lineages of
Chinsan sego proposed in previous studies are first examined. Pak Yŏngdon identified a total of six lineages of
Chinsan sego, An Iksŏng recognized ten, and Ch’oe Kyŏnghun identified five. Based on this information, I will conduct a comparative analysis to clarify any errors or unknowns regarding the publication years, with the aim of establishing accurate dates and presenting a finalized classification of the textual lineages. First, the textual lineages proposed in previous studies can be summarized as follows
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① As mentioned above, Pak Yŏngdon judged that the year of publication of
Chinsan sego was 1476, based on the postfaces written by Sŏ Kŏjŏng and Kang Hŭimaeng. However, subsequent researchers have regarded 1474 as the year of the first edition, earlier than the date of the postfaces. This view is based on the
huji 後識 “postscript” recording the process by which Kim Chŏngjik, while serving as the magistrate of Hamyang 咸陽, supervised the carving of the woodblocks for
Chinsan sego, and on the postface in which Kang Hŭimaeng recorded the transfer of these woodblocks from Hamyang to Chinju 晋州.
8 According to this evidence, the woodblocks for
Chinsan sego were completed in 1473, and in the following spring Kang Hŭian’s
Yanghwa sorok was additionally imprinted and published.
9 In this context, it appears that the postfaces by Sŏ Kŏjŏng were received in 1476, and a postface recording the transfer of the woodblocks was added to the already published edition.
② The Kyujanggak edition (奎6691), believed to be a reprint of the revised content of the first edition in 1478, contains some structural inconsistencies: following volume 1 is “Injae haengjang” 仁齋行狀, after volume 2 is “T’ongjŏng haengjang” 通亭行狀, after volume 4 is “Wanyŏkchae haengjang” 玩易齋行狀, and at the end of the volume is Kang Hŭimaeng’s “Yanghwa sorok sŏ” 養花小錄序. Although these arrangements show editorial errors, the script style and physical features of the publication (11 lines with 19 characters per line, sohŭkku 小黑口 “small black punctuation marks,” sangha naehyang hŭgŏmi 上下內向黑魚尾 “inward-facing black fishtail marks at top and bottom”) are similar to those of the first-edition lineage. Moreover, considering the poor condition of the printed surface, it may be regarded as a later impression. However, since there is no clear evidence to specify 1478 as the exact year of publication, further detailed verification is required.
③ The National Library of Korea edition (古3648-00-104) has been dated differently in the literature, with some sources citing 1483 and others 1491. The view that it was published in 1484 is based on the fact that this edition contains the
Sasukchaejip, which was commissioned by King Sŏngjong, and draws on related entries in
Chosŏn wangjo sillok 朝鮮王朝實錄.
10 Because the
Sasukchaejip was printed using the
kapchinja 甲辰字 “Kapchin type,” it is also referred to as the “Kapchinja edition.”
11 However, the large-capacity types of the Kapchin type were completed in December 1484,
12 and
Wanghyŏnggong sijip 王荊公詩集, believed to be the first work printed using the Kapchin type, was distributed in March 1485.
13 These records indicate that the actual publication likely occurred after 1485. Consequently, the publication of the
Chinsan sego including
Sasukchaejip can only be considered possible after 1485. The 1491 publication will be discussed in detail in the following chapter.
④ The view that it was published as an 8-volume, 2-fascicle edition in 1653 is also based on unclear evidence and may, in fact, result from a misdating that should be attributed to 1658. ⑤ It also seems reasonable to consider that the woodblock movable type edition printed during King Yŏngjo’s reign was actually published in 1805 or 1845.
The 1845 edition (woodblock movable type print) of
Chinsan sego includes a preface by Kim Sangjik 金相稷 (1779-1851), a descendant of Kim Chongjik (the 11th year, 5th month of King Hŏnjong’s reign). In some cases, this preface was mistakenly attributed to a different individual with the same name, Kim Sangjik 金相稷 (1661-1721), and based on his lifespan, the preface was dated to 1685 (the 11th year of King Sukchong’s reign). On the basis of this misattribution, the publication date of
Chinsan sego was sometimes also assumed to coincide with the preface. However, Kim Sangjik, who had been born in 1661, passed the special civil service examination in 1695 (the 21st year of King Sukchong’s reign), making it unlikely that he would have written a preface for another person’s work at that time. Furthermore, this individual belonged to the Yŏnan 延安 lineage, whereas the preface identifies the author as a descendant of Kim Chongjik of the Sŏnsan Kim clan. Therefore, it is more reasonable to attribute the preface to the Kim Sangjik born in 1779.
14 Accordingly, the woodblock movable type print edition compiled by Kang Kyuhoe 姜奎會 that includes Kim Sangjik’s preface corresponds to the 1845 edition.
Synthesizing the above, the editions can be classified into the following five lineages
.15
Examination of Chinsan sego Editions and the Establishment of their Lineages
First edition (woodblock print) 4 volumes in 1 fascicle: single-border frame on all four sides, 11 lines with 19 characters per line, small black punctuation marks 小黑口, inward-facing black fish-tail marks at top and bottom 上下內向黑魚尾.
To begin, the contents of Chinsan sego are as follows:
- Prefaces by Sŏ Kŏjŏng, Ch’oe Hang, and Chŏng Ch’angson
- Volume 1: Eulogy of Kang Hoebaek, T’ongjŏngjip 通亭集 (including 94 poems)
- Volume 2: Eulogy of Kang Sŏktŏk, Wanyŏkchaejip 玩易齋集 (including 37 poems and 6 prose pieces)
- Volume 3: Eulogy of Kang Hŭian, Injaejip 仁齋集 (including 66 poems)
- Volume 4: Preface to Yanghwa sorok (by Kang Hŭimaeng), autobiographical preface to Yanghwa sorok (by Kang Hŭian), Yanghwa sorok, postscript to Injaesigo 仁齋詩稿 (by Sŏ Kŏjŏng and Ch’oe Ho)
- “Chinsan sego huji” 晉山世稿後識 (by Kim Chongjik), “Chinsan sego palmun” 晉山世稿跋文 (by Sŏ Kŏjŏng), “Chinsan sego i Chinmok pal” 晉山世稿移晉牧跋 (by Kang Hŭimaeng)
The first edition most widely known is the Pak Yŏngdon edition, designated as National Treasure No. 1290 (privately held) by the Cultural Heritage Administration on December 18, 1998. The most notable feature of the Pak Yŏngdon edition is that it contains Kang Hŭimaeng’s “Chinsan sego i Chinmok pal” and Sŏ Kŏjŏng’s “Chinsan sego pal,” which do not appear in other copies, making it unique even among the first-edition lineages.
Among the first-edition lineages, the Chon’gyŏnggak edition at Sŏnggyun’gwan University (稀 D02B-0339 v.1) differs in Kim Chongjik’s postscript from other editions. In this copy, the characters “Chongjik” 宗直 in the postscript are obscured by an additional sheet of paper attached only to this edition. Furthermore, at the end of the postscript, the phrase “Hamyang gunsu chongsŏn Kim Chongjik kŭnji” 咸陽郡守崇善金宗直謹識 is similarly covered by an attached sheet. This is also presumed to be related to the literati purges related to Kim Chongjik during King Yŏnsan’s reign, but a more detailed investigation is needed.
Meanwhile, some editions within the first-edition lineage show slight variations, such as the use of variant characters in the printed text, which can be particularly observed in Volume 4
Yanghwa sorok.
Among the first-edition lineages examined so far, the copies in which the final phrase of Yanghwa sorok reads ojongjagwi 吾從子歸 are the Pak Yŏngdon edition, the Chon’gyŏnggak edition (稀 D02B-0339 v.1), the National Library of Korea edition A (古貴3648-00-103), and the National Library of Korea edition B (13-061-04060 [LKH 10512]). The copies in which it reads ojongjagwi 吾從子敀 are the Koryŏ University edition (만송 貴 408) and the National Museum edition.
1491 edition (woodblock print)16
The 1491 edition is notable for being organized under the title
Chinsan sego, following the first edition, and for comprising Kang Hŭimaeng’s collected works,
Sasukchaejip. This edition was republished with a preface by Sŏng Hyŏn 成俔 at the request of Kang Hŭimaeng’s eldest son, Kang Kwison姜龜孫, who was concerned that the limited number of copies of the first edition of
Sasukchaejip would prevent many people from accessing it.
17 A particularly noteworthy point is that it is mentioned in Yi Inyŏng’s 李仁榮
Ch’ŏngbunsil sŏmok 淸芬室書目 [Bibliography of the Ch’ŏngbunsil Collection]. In this record, two versions of
Chinsan sego, which compile the poetry and prose of Kang Hŭimaeng’s grandfather Kang Hoebaek, father Kang Sŏktŏk, and eldest brother Kang Hŭian, are listed: One is
Chinsan sego (partial copy, 1 volume, 1 fascicle) containing only Kang Hŭian’s
Yanghwa sorok, and the other is
Chinsan sego (partial copy, 1 fascicle) containing portions of Kang Hŭimaeng’s collected works,
Sasukchaejip. The description of the second copy,
Chinsan sego (partial copy, 1 fascicle), can be summarized as follows.
18
- Edition: Woodblock print (reprint in the Kapchin type)
- Publication Information: [Chinju] Kang Kwison, the 22nd year of King Sŏngjong’s reign (1491)
- Physical Description: 4 volumes in 1 fascicle (partial copy): double-border frame on all four sides 四周雙邊, half-frame layout 半郭, 20.0×15.5cm, ruled 有界, half-page layout 半葉 with 12 lines and 19 characters per line, black punctuation marks 黑口
- Notes:
Order of Sections: Volume 18– “Nok” 錄 and “Sŏl” 說; Volume 19– “Ch’an” 讚, “Sŏ” 書, “Ch’aek” 策; Volume 20– “Sangsŏ” 上書 and “Chapch’ŏ” 雜著; Volume 21– “Chemun” 祭文, “Somun” 疏文, “Myŏng” 銘, “Myoji” 墓誌, “Pimyŏng” 碑銘, “Haengjang” 行狀, and “Chŏn” 傳
At end of volume 卷末: “辛亥(1491)暮春有日門人夏山磬叔(成俔)謹跋”
Manuscript notes 墨書: “錦川朴氏”(卷首) “夏寒亭”(卷末)
The manuscript notes
kŭmch’ŏn pak ssi 錦川朴氏 “the Kŭmch’ŏn Pak clan” and
hahanjŏng 夏寒亭 “Hahan Pavilion” in the description refer to Sogo 嘯皐 Pak Sŭngim 朴承任 (1517-1586).
19 However, Hahan Pavilion was actually the pavilion constructed by Pak Sŭngim’s son, Pak Rok 朴漉 (1542-1632), and the name was given by Pak Sŭngim. There is no evidence that Pak Sŭngim himself used Hahanjŏng as a sobriquet, whereas it can be confirmed that the name was used as a sobriquet for Pak Rok.
20 As Pak Sŭngim’s book collection was passed down to his son Pak Rok and grandson Pak Hoemu 朴檜茂 (1575-1666), it appears that his descendants added the inscription “Hahanjŏng” as a manuscript note to the inherited books to indicate that they belonged to Pak Sŭngim’s collection.
21
According to the cataloging notes in
Ch’ŏngbunsil sŏmok, Kang Kwison appears to have incorporated
Sasukchaejip into
Chinsan sego rather than publishing it as a separate collection, thereby continuing the original intent with which Kang Hŭimaeng compiled
Chinsan sego. This edition is particularly significant because it demonstrates that the complete text of
Sasukchaejip, of which a single complete copy now survives only at Hōsa Bunko 蓬左文庫 in Japan, was also available in Korea. Notably, physical copies of this edition are held at the National Library of Korea, Yŏnse University Library, and Ch’ungnam National University Library. The bibliographic details of the editions held by each institution are summarized as follows
.
The National Library of Korea edition (古3648-00-104) contains Chinsan sego volumes 5-9, corresponding to Sasukchaejip volumes 1-5. Another National Library of Korea edition (古3648-00-106) contains Chinsan sego volumes 12-13, aligned with Sasukchaejip volumes 8-9. The Yŏnse University and Ch’ungnam National University copies contain Chinsan sego volumes 18-21, corresponding to Sasukchaejip volumes 14-17. From this, it can be seen that the Kapchin type reprint began numbering from volume 5, following the previously published Yanghwa sorok, Chinsan sego volume 4. The current locations of Chinsan sego volumes 10-11 and 14-17 (corresponding to Sasukchaejip volumes 6-7 and 10-13) are unknown.
Among the Kapchin type reprints, the Yŏnse University copy is marked with
kŭmch’ŏn pakssi 錦川朴氏 on the first leaf (title page) of the volume 卷首題面, and bears the seals, such as
haksan jinjang 寉山珍藏 (title page),
chŏnju yissi 全州李氏 (end page),
ch’ŏngbunsil 淸芬室 (end page), which were Yi Inyŏng’s ownership seal. It is therefore considered to be ②
Chinsan sego (partial, 1 fascicle) mentioned in the
Ch’ŏngbunsil sŏmok.22
As noted earlier in connection with
Ch’ŏngbunsil sŏmok’s description, the manuscript inscription
kŭmch’ŏn pakssi refers to Pak Sŭngim, and it can be understood as having been preserved in his private book repository, Hahanjŏng, before entering Yi Inyŏng’s collection and being recorded in the
Ch’ŏngbunsil sŏmok. A notable feature of this edition is that it does not reproduce the preface by Sŏ Kŏjŏng, but was separately carved in large type along with the postface by Sŏng Hyŏn. Moreover, it shows corrections reflecting proofreading marks indicated in the head of the volume 天頭 of the first edition (the Hōsa Library edition) as well as evidence of independent corrections. In addition, some titles of works were revised in this edition
.
The 1658 edition was compiled into two fascicles by Kang Yuhu 姜裕後 (1606-1666), the great-grandson of Kang Kŭksŏng, who added the supplementary collection, and was published with prefaces by Yi Kyŏngsŏk 李景奭 (1595-1671) and Chŏng Tukyŏng 鄭斗卿 (1597-1673).
Among the 1658 edition series, the Kyujanggak copy (奎6859-v.1-2) consists of two fascicles: the original collection and the supplementary collection. The original collection contains the poems and prose of Kang Hoebaek, Kang Sŏkdŏk, and Kang Hŭian as the contents of the existing Chinsan sego, while the supplementary collection includes works by Kang Kŭksŏng, Kang Chonggyŏng and Kang Chinhwi. This indicates that Kang Kwison did not follow the precedent of incorporating Kang Hŭimaeng’s Sasukchaejip into Chinsan sego, but instead compiled it independently. This is likely because Sasukchaejip was also published as a standalone edition and contained a greater volume of material compared to the works of other individuals.
By contrast, the National Library of Korea edition (古3647-562) consists solely of the supplementary collection in two fascicles. The upper collection
kŏnjip 乾集 is organized as volume 1 of
Ch’wijuk yugo (by Kang Kŭksŏng), while the lower collection konjip 坤集 compiles
Ch’wijuk yugo volume 2,
Maesŏ yugo (by Kang Chonggyŏng) volume 3, and
Hogye yugo (by Kang Chinhwi) volume 4. Although it is not possible to determine definitively the chronological relationship between this edition and the Kyujanggak copy, which binds
Ch’wijuk yugo,
Maesŏ yugo, and
Hogye yugo into a single volume, the presence of the library seals sigangwŏn 侍講院 “Crown Prince Tutorial Office” and
ch’unbangjang 春坊藏 “Collections of Crown Prince Tutorial Office” suggests that the National Library copy was printed earlier, and that the later reprint bound the original collection and the supplementary collection of
Chinsan sego together as a single set. Furthermore, if Kang Yuhu originally intended to compile only the supplementary collection, it is possible that the edition of
Chinsan sego that incorporated
Sasukchaejip may not have been part of his publication plan from the outset.
23
It is also noteworthy that, in publishing the original collection based on the existing Chinsan sego, a copy in which the final phrase of volume 4, Yanghwahae 養花解 [Notes on Cultivating Flowers], is inscribed as “吾從子敀” was used as the source text. This allows us to infer certain circumstances regarding the publication of the original and supplementary collections.
1845 edition (woodblock print)
The 1845 edition belongs to the series that includes the postface by Kim Sangjik (the 11th-generation descendant of Kim Chongjik) and is composed of three volumes in one fascicle. Notably, Kang Hŭian’s
Yanghwa sorok is absent. In particular, with the omission of
Yanghwa sorok, the phrase “仁齊之養花錄寫第四” in Kim Chongjik’s postscript was also removed, which is a distinctive feature of this edition
.
As noted above, the 1845 edition is understood to include a postface by Kim Sangjik, a descendant of Kim Chongjik, written in 1845 (the 11th year of King Hŏnjong’s reign). As also mentioned in previous studies, its most distinctive feature is that it excludes Kang Hŭian’s Yanghwa sorok and other prose works, containing only poetry. According to Kim Sangjik’s postface, Kang Kyuhoe 姜圭會, the thirteenth-generation descendant of Kang Hŭimaeng, compiled a second “supplementary collection” following the Chinsan sego sokchip 晉山世稿續集 [Supplementary Collection to Chinsan sego]. Under his direction, the poetry, prose, and biographical accounts of several descendants were gathered and published: Kang Tŏkp’u (a fifth-generation descendant of Kang Kŭksŏng); Kang Chuje and Kang Chunam (sons of Kang Tŏkp’u); and Kang Chŏnghwan (a son of Kang Chuje). In addition, Kang Kyuhoe appended “Puyingnok” 附益錄, a brief record of earlier ancestors who did not appear in Chinsan sego but were nevertheless figures who deserved mention. Furthermore, Chinsan sego sokchip greatly reduced and selectively included the poetry and prose of Kang Kŭksŏng, and it did not include Kang Hŭian’s Yanghwa sorok. This suggests that Kang Kyuhoe placed greater emphasis on producing the newly planned “supplementary collection” rather than on creating additional copies of the already published and widely circulated Chinsan sego.
1959 edition (lithographic edition)
The 1959 edition was published under the leadership of Kang Taegon, a descendant of Kang Sŏktŏk, together with Kang Chunghŭi (descendant of Kang Chongdŏk, the eldest son of Kang Hoebaek), Kang Yŏwŏn (descendant of Kang Udŏk, the second son of Kang Hoebaek), and Kang Chun (descendant of Kang Chindŏk, the third son of Kang Hoebaek). This 1959 edition, chronologically the most recent, is currently the most widely circulated edition in Korea. In this edition as well, the phrase “仁齊之養花錄寫第四” from Kim Chongjik’s postface is omitted. Furthermore, the postface written by Kang Taegon, who oversaw the compilation, is titled “Chinsan sego chunggan pal” 晋山世稿重刊跋. The structure of this edition follows that of original Chinsan sego compiled by Kang Hŭimaeng, excluding the supplementary-collection lineage. This indicates that its editorial character differs from that of the 1658 edition and the 1845 edition.
A Study of the Editorial Intent Behind Chinsan sego
The Succession of a Clan’s Moral Works and Literary Legacy
It is difficult to determine the exact moment when Kang Hŭimaeng first conceived the compilation of the Chinsan sego, but it appears that he began the work in earnest following two key events: the conferment of the title of a kongsin 功臣 “meritorious subject” — ch’uch’ung chŏngnan iktae kongsin 推忠定難翊戴功臣, in July 1469 (the 1st year of King Yejong’s reign), granted for his role in addressing the treason case of Nam I 南怡 (1441-1468), and the third-rank designation as chwari kongsin佐理功臣 in March 1471 (the 3rd year of King Sŏngjong’s reign). He personally composed the haengjang 行狀 “funerary eulogy” of his grandfather Kang Hoebaek and father Kang Sŏktŏk in October 1471, and in January 1472 he asked his maternal nephew Kim Sunyŏng 金壽寧 (1436-1473) to write the funerary eulogy of his eldest brother Kang Hŭian. He also collected Kang Hŭian’s poetry and prose and received postfaces to Injae sigo 仁齋詩稿 [Poetry Drafts by Kang Hŭian] from Sŏ Kŏjŏng and his friend Ch’oe Ho 崔灝. In 1473, he obtained prefaces to Chinsan sego from Chief State Councillor Sin Sukchu 申叔舟 (1417-1475), Left State Councillor Ch’oe Hang 崔恒 (1409-1474) and pongwŏn puwŏn’gun 蓬原府院君 Chŏng Ch’angson 鄭昌孫 (1402-1487) and commissioned Kim Chongjik to produce the printing blocks.
Kang Hŭimaeng compiled
Chinsan sego with the purpose of preserving the poetry and prose of his ancestors, works that could not be issued as separate collected writings, and of transmitting them permanently to later generations.
24 Through this effort, he established the prototype of
sego genre: when the volume of a forebear’s writings was too small to merit an independent collected work, the materials could be gathered into a single book and published under the title “
sego.”
25
The method of compilation that brings together the posthumous writings of multiple members of the same family can also be seen in the case of the Three Members of the samso 三蘇 “So Family” — So Sun 蘇洵 (C. Su Xun), So Sik 蘇軾 (C. Su Shi), and So Ch’ŏl 蘇轍 (C. Su Zhe) as mentioned consistently in the prefaces by Sin Sukchu, Ch’oe Hang, Chŏng Ch’angson, and Sŏ Kŏjŏng.
26 “Yemunji” 藝文志in the
Songsa 宋史 (Song History) records such works as
Samso munjip 三蘇文集 [the Collected Works of the Three So] in 100 fascicles and
Samso munryu 三蘇文類 [the Classified Writings of the Three So] in 68 fascicles,
27 indicating that compilations combining the writings of the Three So were produced at the time. Sŏ Kŏjŏng’s postface likewise notes, “Only after reading the poetry of Tu Sorŭng 杜少陵 (C. Du Shaoling) and
Samsojip三蘇集, did I come to understand that authors of past and present each possess their own standards of composition, while also following a family method.”
28 This reference to
Samsojip may point to the individual collected works of So Sun, So Sik, and So Ch’ŏl, but if it refers instead to a compilation that combined their writings, one may cautiously consider the possibility of some influence on the compilation of
Chinsan sego. However, works like
Samso munjip were selective anthologies that excerpted primarily prose from an extensive corpus, and thus differ in character from the
sego format, which aims to gather as comprehensively as possible the relatively small body of writings left by members of a lineage. In this sense, it is appropriate to understand that Kang Hŭimaeng just drew upon the method of unifying the writings of several family members into a single compilation. Based on this compilation principle,
Chinsan sego secured its significance, as affirmed in the prefaces by Sin Sukchu, Ch’oe Hang, and Chŏng Ch’angson.
In his preface, Sin Sukchu noted that cases in which literary reputation is transmitted across generations are rare, citing as examples the father and sons of So Sun, who were called
sam so, or the brothers Yuk Ki 陸機 (C. Lu Ji) and Yuk Un 陸運 (C. Lu Yun) of the Western Jin 西晉 period. He remarked that the lineage of Kang Hoebaek and his two descendants is an uncommon instance of this phenomenon, displaying a level of refinement comparable to that of kongin 工人 “craftsmen” or physicians who transmitted their family business and skills over several generations. In particular, he mentioned that, although Kang Hoebaek, Kang Sŏktŏk, and Kang Hŭian each possessed their own distinct literary qualities,
Chinsan sego revealed a unified family learning and family style, so cohesive that their writings appeared to originate from a single hand. In this way, he underscored the importance of the literary inheritance sustained over three generations.
29
Ch’oe Hang remarked in his preface that places imbued with pure and vital energy often produced individuals distinguished either by virtuous accomplishments or by literary excellence. He suggested that the mountains and streams of Chinsan in Kyŏngsang Province, endowed with extraordinary spiritual force, could have generated a rare case in which a single lineage produced persons who embodied both qualities across multiple generations. Through this line of reasoning, he emphasized that Kang Hoebaek, Kang Sŏktŏk, and Kang Hŭian each combined moral virtue with literary achievement, carrying this legacy forward in successive generations.
They were descendants of a household that had held high office over several generations as well as heirs who wore silk garments, dined on refined delicacies, possessed an innately elevated disposition, and remained unbound by worldly constraints. It was, in itself, an exceptional achievement that they naturally upheld an integrity as pure as ice, took poetry and writings as their family vocation, savored their blossoms and leaves, and, with sounds like gold and resonance like jade, transmitted a distinctive familial artistry that far surpassed the common crowd. Moreover, what should be said of a lineage that continued to inherit this beauty across generations, so that father and son alike maintained a lofty and elegant spirit, receiving admiration from generation to generation and rising to such heights that they seemed to rival the very mountains of Chinsan within the universe? How fitting it was, then, that this work should be titled “Chinsan sego.”
夫以喬木蟬聯之胤, 紈綺膏梁之裔, 而天分自高, 世累不嬰, 氷蘖爲素尙, 詩書爲靑氈, 含英咀華, 聲金振玉, 自傳一家機杼, 敻超流輩, 固已至矣. 況又世濟其美, 喬梓累葉, 雅致崢嶸, 世世歆仰, 直與晉嶽爭高, 宇宙間乎? 名之曰晉山世稿, 不亦宜乎?
30
In particular, while praising the excellence of the three figures, Ch’oe Hang took a different approach from Sin Sukchu by emphasizing Chinsan as the very site that nurtured the chŏnggi 精氣 “refined vital energy” manifested in their virtuous accomplishments and literary achievement, thereby reaffirming the significance of the book title Chinsan sego.
Following the prefaces written by Sin Sukchu and Ch’oe Hang, Chŏng Ch’angson proceeded to describe in turn the character and qualities of Kang Hoebaek, Kang Sŏktŏk, and Kang Hŭian. He wrote, “When the source of water is deep, its flow is inevitably long; when the roots of a tree are deep, its branches and leaves are inevitably luxuriant. Their ancestors accumulated virtue and cultivated good fortune, and thus eminent ministers and great officials followed one after another.”
31 By this, he recalled that Kang Hŭimaeng had at that time been appointed a meritorious subject and held high office, presenting this as evidence of
yŏgyŏng 餘慶 “residual blessings,” and underscored the transmission of both moral accomplishment and literary excellence within the family.
Although the three prefaces differed slightly from one another, they were, on the whole, similar to the standard prefaces found in literary collections, which typically assess an individual’s virtuous accomplishments and literary merits and describe the writer’s relationship to the subject. At the same time, in accordance with the distinctive character of sego, a compilation that brings together the writings of multiple members of a single lineage, they actively connected the family to its ancestral seat, praised the transmission of virtue and literary attainment across generations, and emphasized the importance of sustaining this legacy into the future.
Commemoration of a “neglected talent” 懷才不遇 and the Succession of the “will of forebears” 遺旨
When Kang Yuhu, the seventh-generation descendant of Kang Hŭimaeng, assumed office as Magistrate of Ch’ŏngju, he published Chinsan sego sokchip in 1658 (the 9th year of King Hyojong’s reign). This sego brought together the writings of three figures: his great-grandfather Kang Kŭksŏng, the fourth-generation descendant of Kang Hŭimaeng; his grandfather Kang Chonggyŏng; and his uncle Kang Chinhwi. The volume included prefaces by yŏng tonnyŏngbusa 領敦寧府事 Yi Kyŏngsŏk, and ch’ŏmji chungch’ubu sa 僉知中樞府事 Chŏng Tugyŏng. In addition, although it was not ultimately included when the supplementary collection was printed, Pak Changwŏn 朴長遠 (1612-1671), Magistrate of Sangju, also composed a preface at Kang Yuhu’s request.
In his preface, Yi Kyŏngsŏk stated that, on the basis of Chinsan sego compiled by Kang Hŭimaeng, the literary achievement and moral accomplishments of the Chinsan lineage had long enjoyed renown in the world, and that their early and continued prosperity over successive generations had its clear origins. By contrast, regarding the supplementary collection, he expressed a sense of mourning and conveyed his relief that its publication had nonetheless been realized.
I spoke with solemn grief, saying: “If Heaven truly had no intention of producing men of talent, how could the Chinsan lineage have brought forth such individuals generation after generation? And if Heaven indeed intended for them to be born, how could an abrupt and premature death have resulted in such an end? Heaven bestowed ability, yet that ability could not be fully put to use; the remaining oil and lingering fragrance were left scarcely transmitted. How, then, could all of this be attributed solely to Heaven’s will? Is there not, perhaps, both fortune and misfortune bound up in this? Or is it that even a single branch of sandalwood is itself sufficient as a treasure, so abundance is not required? Fortunately, someone like you succeeded them, and so the work has been brought to publication today. Given all this, how could one claim that Heaven took no part at all in what unfolded between the beginning and the end?”
竊悼之曰: ‘天若無意於生才, 何晉山之世出若此, 天果有意而生之, 則又何奄忽之至此? 與之才而不究其用, 殘膏賸馥, 尙未多傳, 此豈皆天之意也? 亡亦有幸不幸存焉者耶? 抑栴檀一枝, 亦足爲珍, 何必多也? 幸有如使君者爲之後, 能梓行於今日, 若是而謂之天未始與於其間, 可乎?’
32
Yi Kyŏngsŏk questioned the true intent behind Heaven’s seemingly dual attitude: bringing forth men of talent generation after generation yet not permitting their abilities to be fully realized. However, he ultimately consoled himself by attributing to Heaven the fact that even the small remnant of their writings, likened to the “remaining oil and lingering fragrance,” had at least been preserved and transmitted. This stance stemmed from the reality that, although these figures were recognized by eminent contemporaries as men of talent, they did not attain high office and lived comparatively short lives.
Kang Kŭksŏng studied under his maternal grandfather, Mojae 慕齋 Kim Anguk 金安國 (1478-1543). After passing the civil service examination, he was granted
saga toksŏ 賜暇讀書 “endowed reading leave,” yet he ended his life at the age of fifty-one while serving as the
ŭnggyo 應敎 “fourth-rank advisor” in the
hongmun’gwan 弘文館 “office of special advisers.” Kang Chonggyŏng was well versed in Buddhist scriptures and the
Zhou yi 周易, and he earned recognition from Ugye 牛溪 Sŏng Hon 成渾 (1535-1598). However, after suffering the consecutive losses of both parents, he died at the age of thirty-eight. Kang Chinhwi studied under Sŏng Hon and received recognition from Paeksa 白沙 Yi Hangbok 李恒福 (1556-1618), but his official career concluded with his appointment as
pyŏlchwa 別坐 “the fifth-rank assistant director” at the age of thirty.
33 As their descendant, Kang Yuhu published
sego to preserve and transmit the limited amount of writing left behind by these men, writings that fell far short of their reputations. Yi Kyŏngsŏk inscribed this intention in his preface.
Chŏng Tugyŏng, the
chokhyŏng 族兄 “elder kinsman” of Kang Yuhu, wrote his preface at Kang Yuhu’s request. From a literary standpoint, he noted that Kang Kŭksŏng enjoyed drinking and excelled at poetry to such a degree that King Sŏnjo admired and took delight in his verses; that Kang Chonggyŏng displayed a poetic style close to that of Tang poetry 唐詩; and that all those with whom Kang Chinhwi associated were
sabaek 詞伯 “masters of verse.” He further stated that “in the Chinsan Kang lineage, from Kang Hoebaek onward, three generations had flourished in earlier times, and Kang Kŭksŏng and Kang Chonggyŏng followed after them, so that the family’s reputation continued for generations.”
34 With this Chŏng Tugyŏng encouraged Kang Yuhu to follow in the footsteps of Kang Kŭksŏng.
Pak Changwŏn, who identified himself as a chokson 族孫 “distant descendant” of Kang Chonggyŏng and Kang Chinhwi, took part, together with his friend Kim Tŭksin 金得臣 (1604-1684), in reviewing the manuscripts to some extent at Kang Yuhu’s request. He eventually composed a preface as well. He first established the grounds for the existence of the supplementary collection by noting that, just as the Three So emerged from Misan眉山 (C. Meishan) in China, so too had the Kang lineage in Chinsan, situated near Mount Turyu 頭流in the East, produced literary figures over successive generations. He also recounted several anecdotes concerning the writings of the three men.
Kang Kŭksŏng’s
sijae 詩才 “poetic talent,” as Chŏng Tugyŏng also noted in his preface, was illustrated by the line “The great favor of the state I have yet to repay; following the lingering moonlight in my dream, I go alone to court in Heaven” 珍重國恩猶未報, 夢和殘月獨朝天.
35 Pak Changwŏn described how, because of this verse, Kang Kŭksŏng received praise from King Sŏnjo and was restored to office. He then compared this to the episode in which So Sik, while in exile, composed “Sujosa” 水調詞 containing the words “I only fear that in the jade-like palace where my lord resides, such lofty heights may not withstand the cold” 只恐瓊樓玉宇, 高處不勝寒 and thereby had his punishment reduced.
36 He further mentioned Kang Chonggyŏng’s poem “Paekchesŏng” 白帝城 and Kang Chinhwi’s “Yŏngmae” 詠梅, noting that both were widely circulated and admired. At the same time, he revealed that men of such poetic talent were unable to fulfill their aspirations and passed away before they achieved their goals.
How deeply regrettable it is! Sir Ch’wijuk [Kang Kŭksŏng], in the middle years of his life, revealed his spiritual vitality and, resembling Mojae [Kim Anguk], gained renown from an early age. Together with Ko Chaebong, he rose side by side in the world of letters, yet suddenly the two of them were demoted. Not long after he was reinstated, he passed away with his aspirations still unfulfilled. Had Heaven granted him even a more time, who can know whether he might have sung the edifying virtue of a sagely ruler or followed the lingering resonance of the Qing court? Even if misfortune befell him, who could know whether, had he drafted a stirring proclamation dashed off by Chaebong’s brush, he might have subdued the unquenched momentum of the violent bandits? How could such things ever be measured?
獨惜乎! 醉竹公炳靈於中葉, 額類乎慕齋, 蚤歲蜚英. 與高霽峯並騖於文苑, 俄與之同敗, 敍復未久, 齎志歿地. 幸而天假之以年, 則歌詠聖化而追淸廟之遺音, 固不可知. 雖或不幸, 而草霽峯奮筆之檄, 死强寇未死之氣, 亦何可量也?
37
As noted above, Kang Kŭksŏng lost his father, Kang Pok 姜復 (1508-1529), at an early age and was raised and educated by his maternal grandfather Kim Anguk. Through this upbringing, he gained considerable reputation. However, when the powerful courtier Yi Ryang 李樑 (1519-1563) was expelled during the reign of King Myŏngjong, Kang Kŭksŏng was implicated as part of Yi Ryang’s faction. Together with figures such as Ko Kyŏngmyŏng 高敬命 (1533-1592), he was forced to withdraw from office, remaining unable to return to government service for more than ten years. When he finally reentered official life, he passed away not long thereafter. Thus, unlike Ko Kyŏngmyŏng, who composed the so-called “Masang kyŏkmun” 馬上檄文 with the outbreak of the Imjin War, circulated it throughout the provinces, and distinguished himself as a righteous army leader before falling in battle, Kang Kŭksŏng had neither the opportunity to restore his honor nor the time to demonstrate his literary talent. Pak Changwŏn also briefly mentioned the premature deaths of Kang Chonggyŏng and Kang Chinhwi, expressing his deep regret over the untimely loss of all three men.
Ah! When I consider the earlier worthies whose writings have been handed down in this sego, they all encountered the flourishing era in our dynasty and powerfully resounded with the prosperity of the state. As for the later worthies, although they were never able to unfold their aspirations to the fullest, their poetry nonetheless rose to great prominence. From this, the shifting course of fortune gives us ample reason to raise a heartfelt lament.
嗚呼! 世稿之傳, 由前數公, 則皆値本朝亨嘉之會, 以大鳴國家之盛, 而由後數公, 則維卒不施, 以昌其詩. 於此亦足以見世運之推敓, 而發吾人之一嘅也.
38
Kang Hoebaek and Kang Sŏktŏk, the main figures in original Chinsan sego, did not live entirely free of political turbulence. Kang Hoebaek’s family experienced a crisis when his younger brother Kang Hoegye 姜淮季 (d. 1392), the son-in-law of King Kongyang of Koryŏ, was executed at the founding of Chosŏn. After the establishment of the new dynasty, Kang Sŏktŏk, the son-in-law of Sim On 沈溫 (d. 1418), likewise faced a period in which he was compelled to withdraw from office. King T’aejong’s policy of curbing the influence of royal in-law families led to the execution of Sim On, who was the father-in-law of King Sejong. Moreover, Kang Hŭian died at the comparatively early age of forty-eight, making it difficult to assert unequivocally that he “encountered the flourishing era 亨嘉 in our dynasty and powerfully resounded with the prosperity of the state.” Nevertheless, the explicit contrast drawn between the original collection and the supplementary collection can be understood as an effort to highlight more sharply the sense of regret and sorrow felt toward the individuals amid the political “fortune and misfortune” 幸不幸 represented in the supplementary collection.
In this way, Yi Kyŏngsŏk’s preface mentioned that the three figures in the supplementary collection were outstanding men who had continued the lineage over successive generations. He emphasized the fortunate aspect that, even amid the misfortune of not having been fully employed, their remaining writings could be transmitted to later generations through the publication of the supplementary collection. In Chŏng Tugyŏng’s preface, focusing on anecdotes related to the three men’s literary works, he placed upon Kang Yuhu the dignity of a lineage that had produced writers generation after generation and presupposed its continuation into the future. In Pak Changwŏn’s preface, he referred to the poetic talent of the three men and strongly asserted that they were unable to rise to high office and display their abilities, and even came to an early end. He further set forth this point as the distinction between the figures of the original collection and those of the supplementary collection, thereby revealing the meaning of publishing the supplementary collection.
Conclusion
Chinsan sego was compiled, like other family anthologies or collected works, to prevent poems and writings left by notable figures of previous generations from being lost to later generations. In particular, Chinsan sego holds significance as a pioneering collection, given its early publication in the Chosŏn period. It is also noteworthy that the title Chinsan sego continued to be used in publications throughout the Chosŏn period and even after Korea’s liberation, underscoring its enduring value.
In June 2025, Chinsan sego held in the Chon’gyŏnggak Library of Sŏnggyun’gwan University was designated a Tangible Cultural Heritage of Seoul. This appears to reflect recognition of its historical value: along with the Pak Yŏngdon edition - a National Treasure-, Chinsan sego, preserved in Chonggyŏnggak as the first-edition lineage, was printed earlier. It also contains traces related to the literati purges following the death of Kim Chongjik. Through this as well, it may be said that Chinsan sego continues to maintain its classical value as a “heritage.”
The purposes and intentions behind the compilation of Chinsan sego may be said to have been largely consistent while its publication continued over time. However, the work of classifying the various editions into distinct lineages has made it possible to identify more clearly the characteristics observable within each lineage, to grasp to some extent the contemporary circumstances and trends surrounding their publication, and to examine the compilation consciousness with greater precision. In this respect, it can be regarded as a meaningful undertaking.
In future research, I aim to identify similarities and differences in the philological features of sego by conducting comparative analyses with sego of other lineages, and thereby to outline the broader patterns and landscape of sego publication. Through this, I expect the findings to be meaningfully applied to the study of book production and circulation in the Chosŏn period.
Notes
Figure:
Chinsan sego, Pak Yŏngdon edition (left) / Kyujanggak edition (right)
Figure:The Yŏnse University edition of Chinsan sego (Sasukchaejip), the first leaf of the volume (left) and end page (right)
Figure:Preface of Sasukchaejip, Left: Hōsa Library edition of Sasukchaejip (first edition), Right: National Library of Korea edition of Chinsan sego (Sasukchaejip)
Figure:Postface of Chinsan sego (Sasukchaejip), Yonsei University edition
Figure:The Hōsa Library edition of Sasukchaejip (first edition, left) and the National Library of Korea edition of Chinsan sego (reprint of the first edition, right)
Figure:Kim Chongjik’s postscript in the Pak Yŏngdon edition of Chinsan sego
|
Pak Yŏngdon (1983) |
An Iksŏng (2021) |
Ch’oe Kyŏnghun (2024) |
|
1474 (King Sŏngjong 5) |
|
●Woodblock edition, 4 volumes in 1 fascicle. |
● Compiled by Kang Hŭimaeng and Kim Chongjik (county magistrate) |
|
●Chon’gyŏnggak (尊經閣) Library edition at Sŏnggyun’gwan University and National Library of Korea edition. |
● Woodblock edition, 4 volumes in 1 fascicle |
|
● Hamyang |
|
● Pak Yŏngdon edition (National Treasure), etc. |
|
1476 (King Sŏngjong 7) |
① Woodblock edition |
|
|
|
● Postface by Sŏ Kŏjŏng (晉山世稿跋) |
|
● Postface by Kang Hŭimaeng (晉山世稿移晉牧跋) |
|
1478 (King Sŏngjong 9) |
|
② Woodblock edition |
|
|
● 4 volumes in 1 fascicle |
|
● Kyujanggak 奎章閣 Library edition |
|
1483 (King Sŏngjong 14) |
|
③ Woodblock edition |
|
|
● 4 volumes in 1 fascicle |
|
● National Library of Korea edition |
|
1491 (King Sŏngjong 22) |
|
③ Woodblock edition |
● In Kapchinja type, 17 volumes in 4 fascicles |
|
● 4 volumes in 1 fascicle |
● Hanyang (reprint of the original edition) |
|
● Ch’ungnam University edition |
③ Woodblock edition |
|
● 17 volumes in 4 fascicles |
|
● Unknown |
|
● Ch’ungnam University and National Library of Korea editions. |
|
Unknown (King Sŏngjong’s reign) |
● Reprint of the first edition |
|
|
|
● Mansong Collection edition at Koryŏ University |
|
1653 (King Hyojong 4) |
④ Compiled by Kang Yuhu |
|
|
|
● Original Collection and Supplementary Collection |
|
● Total 8 volumes in 2 fascicles |
|
1658 (King Sukchong 11) |
|
④ Compiled by Kang Yuhu |
④ Compiled by Kang Yuhu |
|
● Woodblock edition |
● Woodblock edition (reprint of the original edition) |
|
● 8 volumes in 2 fascicles |
● His great-grandfather Kang Kŭksŏng, grandfather Kang Chonggyŏng and uncle Kang Chinhwi-the literary works of these three ancestors were added as the Chinsan sego sokchip 晉山世稿續集in four volumes and reprinted. |
|
● Kyujanggak Library edition |
|
Unknown (King Yŏngjo’s reign) |
⑤ Woodblock movable type edition (木活字本) |
|
|
|
1805 (King Sunjo 5) |
|
● Compiled by Kang Chuhan |
● Woodblock movable type edition, 2 volumes in 1 fascicle |
|
● Woodblock movable type edition |
● Upper volume: Original Collection |
|
● 2 parts (上下) in 1 fascicle |
● Lower volume: Five persons: Kang Hŭimaeng, Kang Kŭksŏng, Kang Chonggyŏng, Kang Chinhwi, and Kang Hang姜沆 |
|
● Kyemyŏng University edition |
● At the end of the volume: Postfaces (1805) by Sim Yunji 沈允之 and Yun Haengjik尹行直 (Magistrate of Yŏnggwang) |
|
1845 (King Hŏnjong 11) |
|
⑤ Compiled by Kang Kyuhoe姜奎會 |
|
|
● Woodblock movable type edition |
|
● 5 volumes in 2 fascicles |
|
● Kyujanggak Library edition |
|
Unknown |
|
⑤ Woodblock movable type edition |
|
|
● 3 volumes in 1 fascicle |
|
● National Library of Korea and Changsŏgak 藏書閣 Library editions |
|
Unknown |
|
● Transcription edition |
|
|
● 1 fascicle (complete in 4 volumes in 1 fascicle) |
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● National Library of Korea edition |
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Unknown (19th century) |
|
|
⑤ Compiled by Kang Kyuhoe |
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● Woodblock movable type edition |
|
● 5 volumes in 2 fascicles |
|
● Kyujanggak Library and National Library of Korea editions |
|
1959 |
● Lithographic edition (石版本) |
|
|
|
Category |
Edition Type |
Publication Details |
Features |
|
The first edition (1474 edition) |
Woodblock edition |
● 4 volumes in 1 fascicle |
● Includes Kang Hŭimaeng’s “Chinsan sego i Chinmok pal”晉山世藁移晉牧跋and Sŏ Kŏjŏng’s “Chinsan sego pal” 晉山世稿跋 |
|
● Single-border frame on all four sides (四周單邊) |
|
● 11 lines with 19 characters per line |
|
● Small black punctuation marks (小黑口) |
● Two editions exist: the Pak Yŏngdon edition and the Koryŏ University edition (만송 貴 408) |
|
● Inward-facing black fish-tail marks at the top and bottom (上下內向黑魚尾) |
|
1491 edition |
Woodblock edition |
● 1 fascicle (complete in 17 volumes, 4 fascicles): |
● Consists of the first edition of Kang Hŭimaeng’s Sasukchaejip |
|
● Double-border frame on all four sides (四周雙邊) |
|
● Half-frame layout (半郭) |
● Includes a preface by Sŏng Hyŏn 成俔 |
|
● 12 lines with 19 characters per line |
|
● Black mouth marks at the top and bottom (上下黑口) |
|
● Inward-facing black fish-tail marks at the top and bottom (上下內向黑魚尾) |
|
1658 edition |
Woodblock edition |
● 8 volumes in 2 fascicles (original collection: 4 volumes; supplementary collection: 4 volumes): |
● The supplementary collection was published by Kang Yuhu 姜裕後 (1606-1666), great-grandson of Kang Kŭksŏng 姜克誠 (1526-1576) |
|
● Double-border frame on all four sides (四周雙邊) |
● Includes the poetry and prose of three generations—Kang Kŭksŏng, Kang Chonggyŏng, and Kang Chinhwi |
|
● Half-frame layout (半郭) |
● Includes prefaces by Yi Kyŏngsŏk and Chŏng Tugyŏng |
|
● 11 lines with 19 characters per line |
|
● Inward-facing floral fish-tail marks at top and bottom (上下內向花紋魚尾) (varied) |
|
1845 edition |
Woodblock movable type edition |
● 3 volumes in 1 fascicle: |
● Published under the direction of Kang Kyuhoe 姜圭會, the thirteenth-generation descendant of Kang Hŭimaeng. |
|
● Single-border frame on all four sides (四周單邊) |
● Does not include Yanghwa sorok (Kim Chongjik’s postscript does not contain the phrase仁齊之養花錄寫第四) |
|
● 10 lines with 20 characters per line |
● Does not include the poetry and prose of Kang Sŏktŏk |
|
● Inward-facing floral fish-tail marks—three at the top and two at the bottom (上三葉下二葉內向花紋魚尾) |
● Includes the poetry and prose of Kang Tŏkpu (a fifth-generation descendant of Kang Kŭksŏng), Kang Chuje, Kang Chunam, and Kang Chŏnghwan. |
|
● Includes a postface by Kim Sangjik 金相稷 (1779-1851) |
|
● Includes “Chinsan Kangssi sego puingnok” 晉山姜氏世稿附益錄 [Supplementary Records to the Chinsan Kang Clan’s Family Anthologies] |
|
1959 edition |
Lithographic edition (石印本) |
● 3 volumes in 1 fascicle: |
● Published under the direction of Kang Taegon, a descendant of Kang Sŏktŏk |
|
● Double-border frame on all four sides (四周雙邊) |
● Published together with Kang Chunghŭi (descendant of Kang Chongdŏk, the eldest son of Kang Hoebaek), Kang Yŏwŏn (descendant of Kang Udŏk, the second son of Kang Hoebaek), and Kang Chun (descendant of Kang Chindŏk, the third son of Kang Hoebaek) |
|
● Half-frame layout (半郭) |
|
● 10 lines with 20 characters per line |
● Includes a postface by Kang Taegon (intermediate edition) |
|
● Inward-facing black fish-tail marks at the top (上內向黑魚尾) |
● Includes only the classical Chinese poems of Kang Hoebaek, Kang Sŏktŏk, and Kang Hŭian from the original collection (Does not include Yanghwa sorok) |
Table.Holdings of the Chinsan sego Kapchin Edition (woodblock reprint) in Korea
|
National Library of Korea Edition |
Yŏnse University Edition |
Ch’ungnam University Edition |
|
Edition |
Woodblock print (reprint in the Kapchin type) |
|
Publication Information |
[Chinju] Kang Kwison 姜龜孫, [the 22nd year of King Sŏngjong’s reign (1491)] |
|
Physical Description |
● 5 volumes in 1 fascicle (partial copy): |
● 2 volumes in 1 fascicle (70 leaves, partial copy) |
● 4 volumes in 1 fascicle (partial copy) |
● 4 volumes in 1 fascicle (partial copy) |
|
● Double-border frame on all four sides (四周雙邊) |
● Double-border frame on all four sides (四周雙邊) |
● Single-border frame on all four sides (四周單邊) |
● Double-border frame on all four sides (四周雙邊) |
|
● Half-frame layout (半郭) |
● Half-frame layout (半郭) |
● Half-frame layout (半郭) |
● Half-frame layout (半郭) |
|
● 19.2 × 13.8 cm, ruled (有界) |
● 19.5 × 14.4 cm, ruled (有界) |
● 20.2×14.4 cm, ruled (有界) |
● 19.6×14.3 cm, ruled (有界) |
|
● 12 lines and 19 characters per line |
● 12 lines and 19 characters per line |
● 12 lines and 19 characters per line |
● 12 lines and 19 characters per line |
|
● Upper and lower black punctuation marks (上下黑口) |
● Black punctuation marks (黑口) |
● Large upper and lower black punctuation marks (上下大黑口) |
● Small upper and lower black punctuation marks (上下小黑口) |
|
● Upper and lower inward-facing black fishtail marks (上下內向黑魚尾) |
● Inward-facing black fishtail marks (內向黑魚尾) |
● Upper and lower inward-facing black fishtail marks (上下內向黑魚尾) |
● Upper and lower inward-facing black fishtail marks (上下內向黑魚尾) |
|
● Overall size 28.5×18.8 cm |
● Overall size 27.8×18.5cm |
● Overall size 30 cm |
● Overall size 29.3×18.6cm |
|
Notes |
⁃ Title on the text block (版心題): Sego (世稿) |
⁃ Title (表題): Chinsan sego (晉山世稿) |
⁃ Title on the text block (版心題): Sego (世藁) |
⁃ Title on the text block (版心題): Sego (世藁) |
|
⁃ Preface: 癸卯重七(1483.7.7.) 達城徐居正剛中書 |
⁃ Title on the text block (版心題): Sego (世藁) |
⁃ Colophon at the end of the volume (卷末): 辛亥(1491)暮春有日門人夏山磬叔(成俔)謹跋 |
⁃ Colophon at the end of the volume (卷末): 辛亥(1491)暮春有日門人夏山磬叔(成俔)謹跋 |
|
⁃ Seals: 物形黑印 2 顆 (印文未詳) |
⁃ Compilation order (編次): Chinsan sego volumes 12-13 (corresponding to Sasukchaejip first edition, vols. 8-9; 14 leaves of “Nonggu” 農謳 are missing) |
⁃ Seals: 寉山珍藏(卷首), 全州李氏(卷末), 淸芬室(卷末) |
⁃ Missing leaves (落張): 1a, 1b, 2a, 2b, 3a, and 3b |
|
⁃ Compilation order (編次): Chinsan sego volumes 5-9 (corresponding to Sasukchaejip first edition, vols. 1-5) |
⁃ Manuscript notes (墨書): 錦川朴氏(卷首) |
⁃ Compilation order (編次): Sego volumes 18-21 (corresponding to Sasukchaejip first edition, vols. 14-17) |
|
⁃ Compilation order (編次): Sego volumes 18-21 (corresponding to Sasukchaejip first edition, vols. 14-17) |
|
Call Number |
古3648-00-104 |
古3648-00-106 |
고서(귀) 233 0 |
集.總集類-韓國-221 |
Reference List
- An Iksŏng 안익성. “Chosŏn sidae sego ŭi kanhaengyangsang kwa t’ŭkching” 조선 시대 世稿의 刊行양상과 특징. MA thesis., The Academy of Korean Studies, 2021.
- Ch’oe Kyŏnghun 최경훈. “Chosŏn chŏn’gi sego ŭi kanhaeng kwa p’anbon” 조선 전기 世稿의 간행과 판본. Sŏjihak yŏn’gu 書誌學硏究 97 (2024): 83-106.
- Kang Hŭimaeng 姜希孟. Sasukchaejip 私淑齋集 (重刊本). Manuscript held at Hangukhak chungang yŏn’guwon Changsŏgak, shelfmark K4-6092.
- Kang Sŏngch’ang 강성창ed. Chinsan sego 晋山世稿 (影印本). Seoul: Sinyŏngsa, 2011a.
- _____. (Chŭngbogugyŏk) Chinsan sego (증보국역) 진산세고. Seoul: Sinyŏngsa, 2011b.
- Kang Sŏnggyu 강성규. “Sasukchae Kang Hŭimaeng sanmun yŏn’gu” 私淑齋 姜希孟 散文 硏究. Ph.D. thesis., Korea University, 2024.
- Ku Chahun 구자훈. “Chosŏnjo ŭi changsŏin · changsŏga yŏn’gu: Koryŏ taehakkyo sojangbon ŭl taesang ŭro” 朝鮮朝의 藏書印ㆍ藏書家 硏究: 고려대학교 소장본을 대상으로. Ph.D. diss., Korea University, 2011.
- Pak Yŏngdon 박영돈. “Chisan sego ch’op’anbon kuip chŏnmal” 晉山世稿初版本購入顚末. Sangsŏ 尙書 5 (1983): 9-11.
- Sim Ujun 심우준. “Chinsan sego sagwŏnhappon ŭi chemunje” 晉山世稿 四卷合本의 諸問題. Sŏjihak yŏn’gu 書誌學硏究 18 (1999): 103-114.
- Sin Sŭngun 신승운. “Sŏngjongjo munsayangsŏng kwa munjipp’yŏn’gan” 成宗朝 文士養成과 文集編刊. Han’guk munhŏn chŏngbo hakhoeji 한국문헌정보학회지 28 (1995): 301-390.
- Yi Chongmuk 이종묵. Chinsan sego haeje 진산세고 해제.
- Yi Inyŏng 李仁榮. Ch’ŏngbunsil sŏmok 淸芬室書目. Seoul: Poyŏn’gak, 1968.
- Yi Usŏng 이우성 ed. Sasukchaejip 私淑齋集 (초간본 서벽외사 해외수일본) vol.3. Sŏngnam: Asea munhwasa, 1992.
- Yu P’ungyŏn 유풍연. “Chinsan sego sogo” 晉山世稿 小考. Hancha Hanmun kyoyuk 漢字漢文敎育 9 (2002): 253-286.
- _____. “Chisan sego haeje” 진산세고 해제. In (Chŭngbogugyŏk) Chinsan sego (증보국역) 진산세고. Seoul: Sinyŏngsa, 2010.
- Yun Hojin 윤호진. Habŏdŭ Yench’ing tosŏgwan sojang sego haejejip 하버드옌칭도서관 소장 世稿 해제집. Seoul: Minsogwŏn, 2021.
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